Beyond SBY, a post-first-term foreign policy
Meidyatama Suryodiningrat , The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Wed, 08/19/2009 10:13 AM | Headlines
Some talk about a post-ASEAN foreign policy, others in this season of Cabinet name dropping refer to a post-Hassan Wirajuda foreign policy. Whatever the case may be, as the foreign ministry today commemorates its anniversary it must start setting priorities for President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s final term in office.
Indonesia since the 1950s has had a tradition of long-serving foreign ministers.
In the last five decades there have been but six foreign ministers: Subandrio served nine consecutive years, Adam Malik 12 years, Mochtar Kusumaatmadja 10 years, Ali Alatas 11 years, Alwi Shihab the shortest, with less than two years.
It would not be unusual for Hassan, who has already served eight years, to continue and become Indonesia’s longest-serving foreign minister.
The debate over whether a career diplomat or a presidential appointee should serve this prestigious post tends to cloud the discussion in unnecessary polemics. The foreign ministry is a political post. Not all foreign service officers would make good diplomats and vice versa.
It is a tradition well entrenched in established democracies. Of the 67 US secretaries of state, only Lawrence Eagleburger was a career foreign service officer.
Similarly, Great Britain has a tradition of appointing accomplished or up-and-coming politicians to the post, among them Anthony Eden, John Major and most recently David Miliband.
Even Indonesia has such a tradition. Of the country’s 17 foreign ministers, only Alatas and Hassan have a solid foreign service background.
The trend toward political appointees is a noticeable one and arguably the real reason why last year the Foreign Ministry established the new post of deputy foreign minister. The recognition that whoever was at the helm of the ministry, the long-respected tenets of Indonesian diplomacy would be internally safeguarded by a career officer serving as deputy.
What would be a mistake is if Yudhoyono bestowed the post in October as a simple political dowry.
The set priorities should determine who the most appropriate individual should be, the suitability of the candidate in ensuring these key national-interest tasks are met.
Internally there are two important considerations: The first is to consolidate further the internal reform begun by Hassan eight years ago. Hassan deserves credit for giving the ministry new impetus by rearing a crop of young, talented diplomats.
However, the internal effectiveness of the organization itself, along with its strategic relationship with the legislature, needs to be enhanced.
There are still too many occasions when Indonesia is left embarrassed, unable to fill, reportedly at one point, up to 20 ambassadorial postings.
Be it a case of bureaucratic inertia or legislative lethargy, the message sent is that this country of 220 million cannot find enough qualified candidates to fill those postings.
Internal coordination that is not personality-driven and the ability to forge a strong legislative lobby are skills necessary to smoothen the dynamics of diplomacy abroad.
Externally the priorities are both immediate and long-term. Over the past decade, much has been done to upgrade the quality of services and protection for the 3 million plus Indonesians overseas.
However, the mind-set of diplomats and the primary function of civil service has not changed fast enough to keep up with the needs of its citizens abroad.
The ministry cannot afford to rely on common initiatives to expedite documentation or protection after the fact. The global interconnectedness is showing Indonesians how other countries are doing more for their citizens overseas. The constituency at home is increasingly vocal in asking why Indonesians do not seem to be receiving the same kind of service.
New innovations need to be introduced. Novel ideas such as allowing non-civil-service attaches at embassies attached to civil society organizations to partake in helping oversee the protection of citizens abroad. Non-bureaucratic minds accustomed and physically experienced in helping the plight of migrant workers and citizens in need.
A long-term priority is to begin conceiving and laying the groundwork for Indonesia’s place in a security framework of the future, one in which ASEAN will lose its centrality and China and India are the predominant regional powers. The structure that will have to be taken into account is Indonesia’s need to ensure regional stability but at the same time be a factor in promoting political liberalization in the sub-region.
Similarly, new considerations must be given to the politics of environmental change. The foreign ministry will be the focal point of the various government departments in the long, tedious and difficult international negotiations to establish a global climate regime that is both conducive to national interests but does not sacrifice the overall benefit of nature.
Yudhoyono may already have made up his mind on who would best represent him as foreign minister. And ultimately, it will be someone who he feels comfortable enough with in progressing his personal agenda.
But focusing too much on the individual who will serve the president while neglecting the national priorities beyond the immediate five years brings about a diplomacy of conceit. We currently need more thought than nomination in this process if Indonesia is to realize its global potential.



